Today, I watched the video Facing Facism: New Yorkers Remember the Spanish Civil War and learned a lot about the impact of the war on the people in New York, both family of soldiers and activists.

From watching interviews with two women who grew up during the Spanish Civil War, Luz Castaños and Vara B. Williams, I got a better sense of how young people were affected by the communities in which they grew up. Liberalism and activism was very prominent in New York City at this time and it's prominence seemed to have created a circular affect in which those growing up in such a highly liberal community became impassioned by the same concerns and beliefs themselves. Thus, support for the Spanish Civil War was spread not only through political activism but through community solidarity as well. Vara B. Williams recalls that her active support for the Spanish Civil War was "wreathed in a certain romanticism"- she believed she was "supporting heroes" and fighting "bad guys" and never really understood the larger political situation and ideological conflicts involved. The community created a simple romanticism which youth in particular could stand behind. Luz Costaños's first childhood memory, in fact, is a Republican song that she sang at the age of one and a half that has the words "salieron por la calle gritando: Liberta! Liberta! Liberta!" This shows how children were shaped by their families and communities. However, Luz also recalls how families and communites were split by political beliefs. Her father was a Republican and second cousin, whom she loved very much, was "the most right wing person in all of New York City".

Other stories in the video seem to demonstrate this idea that the people of New York City were shaped by their communities, not just their personal political beliefs. Milton Wolff says that he was in the Youth Communist League because "I was an activist" and "there were very nice girls there too." Abe Osheroff admits that it was "easy to get politicized" in his hometown of Williamsburg because he was "living it all the time" and "reading left press all of the time." He admits that one of the main forces that led to his departure for Spain was shame. All of his friends were going, and he knew that if he didn't go he would be ashamed for the rest of his life. For many of these people, being politically left and activist was a way of life, not just an ideology; their ideological beliefs and actions were fostered and nourished by a community of people who could share and live together. Could New York City activism have been as strong if this community did not exist? How essential is a community to the formation of political and personal identities?

Today, I continued to research the correspondence between Marjorie Polon and some of the men in the Abraham Lincoln Brigade. I read the rest of the mens' letters to Marjorie, including those of Nat Gross, Harry Haken, George Kaye, Bill van Felix, and the Spaniard Ernesto. I found these correspondences with Marjorie to be different than that of Bill Bailey with the young girl. The one letter written by Nat Gross seemed to me the most respectful letter that Marjorie received from any of the men. In this letter, he praises her for being so "wise" and for sending the cigarettes to the men. He tells her "one of the boys told me that his life was saved by your cigarettes." He does not make love to the girl, but rather treats her how she ought to be treated, as a kind person and dear pen pal. He ends his letter with "The boys send their regards and love to a strong anti-fascist and true friend of the Lincoln Brigade."

By contrast, Harry Hakam's letters use strong, provocative, aggressive language. He sexually harasses the girl: " So watch out for I have big teeth and generally have a little red riding hood with my eggs for breakfast." He is even less subtle with the fact that he uses her for cigarettes. He writes: "P.S.- mucho love pero much más cuando it gives some more cigarettes pronto." His unsubtle writing is brutal and disrespectful- at least that is how I would feel if I were Marjorie.

However, it is suggested that Marjorie provoked this kind of response by being rather flirtatious herself. Harry wrote "From the way you write, I am tempted to call you my cute little provocative sweetie."

Therefore, it is very difficult to determine how these correspondences between Marjorie and the American soldiers reflects gender relation issues inherent in American culture in the 1930's. Perhaps Marjorie's flirtations with the soldiers were purely acts of compassion made by a remarkable young girl and the soldiers' aggressive and disrespectful attitudes were simply reflections of the unique condition of the disillusioned soldier. Perhaps not. Perhaps American gender relations factors in to the sometimes disturbing and inappropriate correspondence between this American teenage girl and the adult soldiers.

Yesterday, I explored a new facet of the archives: photographs. I had read the essay in Facing Facism: New York and the Spanish Civil War which discussed the importance of the photograph as war time propaganda and was interested in observing the Republican propaganda for myself. I looked at a box of original photographs taken by the Photographic Unit of the Fifteenth International Brigade spanning most of the war. I learned from the box description that many of the photographs taken by this unit were used in the Brigade's newspaper, Volunteer for Liberty. Therefore, I expected to find photographs intended to boost soldier morale and foster sympathy and support for the Republican Army abroad. In my search for propaganda photographs, I too realized how difficult it is to discern between the truth and a staged photograph.

In one picture of Anti-Tank Unit Leaders, everyone's facial expressions are serious, but their body language conveys mixed signals. One of the older soldiers is standing at attention, with his feet shoulder width apart, his hands behind his back, and his shoulders pulled back. Other men are standing less erect, while one standing man even has his hands at his side. Still others are casually hunched down on their knees in front of the rest. Perhaps the body language of the men is meant to convey both their serious attitudes and their physical exhaustion. This could be used as propaganda, showing in some ways the need for physical strength and military assistance for the Republicans. In the background of the photograph is a partially destroyed doorway and a corroding wall, which add to the disintegrative tone of the entire photograph.

In another group photograph, one of Spanish cooks in the MacPap unit, the scene rather than the body language of the men conveys the political message. The men look healthy, although noticeably dirty, and they seem to be earnestly working hard at their jobs. However, they are cooking in what seems to be the ruins of a building in a large field, perhaps in the aftermath of a battle. This scene may have been chosen to portray the destruction of the rural agricultural elite by the Republican Army. Also, what they are cooking draws a lot of attention. The food looks like giant mounds of grainy muck, which again draws attention to the Republican needs for supplies and foreign aid.

In another photograph of a sound truck, dated August 1938, I saw another picture of determined men looking rather physically worn out. One of the men is sitting on the hubcap of the truck and the other man is leaning on the truck with his left arm. This body language contrasts ironically with their helmets and the scene, which suggests that they are ready for war at any moment.

A photo of American Engineers repairing a road to Quinto which was cut off by Fascists in August of 1937 again conveys the Republicans severe lack of supplies and need for external support. There are lots of engineers present on the work site, but only a few are actually helping to repair the road because there are a limited number of tools available and the men can't help without the proper tools.

A photo entitled "Tanks Going into Action" shows two small Republican tanks in the distance driving into a vast, foggy field. The enemy is not distinctly seen. This makes the two small tanks seem even smaller and meager, as they travel into a great abyss of enemy territory, where it is known heavy artillery awaits. This photo again exemplifies Republican propaganda aimed at garnering external support for the Republican cause.

A photo entitled "Internationals and Republican tank after action" is a posed group photo depicting the soldiers in a line in front of the tank, looking happy and proud. I spent a few minutes trying to figure out whether this photo was planned in this way as propaganda to boost volunteer morale or whether the men genuinely felt happy. I realized after some thought that the mere fact that the photo was taken is a clue that it was intended for political purposes. As supplies were low, I'm sure that taking photographs was reserved mainly for special events and propaganda. As the essay "Images at War: Photographs of the Spanish Civil War in New York City" asserts, photographs were very powerful as propaganda during the Spanish Civil War because with faster technology, photos were imbued with a new perception of truth. Therefore, photographs were special, especially at the end of the war when the Republicans were desperately low on supplies. I would like to find out just how many of these photographs made their way into news papers, who viewed the photos and what kind of emotions they evoked from those viewers. As of now, I can only speculate based on what I see in the photos and logical assumptions based on historical facts about the photograph, propaganda, and the Republican condition.

Saturday, I decided to explore a different story for the time being. I read the letters some soldiers of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade wrote to a 14 year old New York girl named Marjorie Polon. These correspondences presented a new and unique angle on war-time correspondence and the thoughts and feelings of the soldiers. The men had never known Marjorie, which gave the letters a different tone, especially those of Bill Bailey, the chief correspondent.

Bill Bailey's letters were both honest and romantic, qualities which I feel lacked in the Gordon letters. In a letter to Marjorie on September 16th, 1938, he describes how the soldiers marched toward the River Ebro without knowing where they were going or what they were doing. He describes how he has to fight lines of Moors and says that after the fascists charged with a front line of Moor soldiers and then retreated back, "we found that they had left plenty of their dead behind." He answers her questions about Spain honestly and thoroughly. Answering her questions concerning the relations between the soldiers and the farmers, he writes "we learn their songs and they learn ours." He says the one word to describe Republican Spanish/American relations is "healthy." In a letter a week later, Bill describe for Marjorie an air raid that "killed and wounded hundreds, mostly women and children."

It is clear that Bill uses these letters as his outlet for romance and comfort. He romanticizes the situation, pretending that he writes to a great love, thereby giving more beauty and joy to his tough army life. He writes beautiful things like: "What a coincidence we must of had, me reading about you paddling a boat and not knowing where you were going to stay the night. And me, the same way, of course we had a little idea that we were going to sleep among the Angels, or on some cold ground underneath a Olive tree." He also signs the letters endearingly, for example with "Loads of Love."

In his later letters to Marjorie, after the war, the bitter tone reflects his resentment of the unrequited love. Marjorie was writing to other men as well as Bill, out of curiosity and compassion. After the war, she went to Vassar College, built a career, married, and created a life for herself. It was rather sad reading Bill's two bitter, lonely letters to Marjorie after the war.

By contrast, Syd Levine's letters were brutally realistic. He facetiously attacks all of Marjorie's questions about himself and about Spain because, he explains, "from your letter, I gather you had a romantic idea of Spain." In answer to her query as to his age, he writes that "every day in Spain is equal to a year in some former life- if that is so, then I am over 400 years old." In answer to her query as to why he left for Spain, he writes "I leave that to be answered if I ever see you personally." Syd does not use correspondence with Majorie romantically to satisfy some inner longing. He is completely realisitic. This shows how psychological reactions to war time conditions can vary from person to person- from personality to personality.

Today, I returned to the archives to continue reading the letters of the Leo and Joe Gordon. I learned from a newspaper clipping entitled "Gordon and Gordon" that the brothers were Jewish; and very kind, energetic, intellectual, humorous men. This source reinforced the impression I got of the two men from reading their personal letters by describing them as "animated with such beaming humor and wit." The newspaper told me that Joe is the more aggressive brother who likes to fight and read satire, whereas Leo is the "less aggressive member of the firm" who "reads poetry and classical literature."
I got an even better sense of their personalities by reading Leo's letters from 1931 to 1937. During these years, he traveled around the states working for the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC). These letters were more light and humorous than the letters written in Spain which I read yesterday. In a letter to Gus on April 25, 1933, he pokes fun at his situation, saying that the only reason he left home was so that he could receive packages of goodies from his family. He goes on to say "The truth is I'm lonely here. Nobody loves me. X marks the spot a tear fell." Then he adds "Boloney. I never was happier in all my life." He gives himself titles like "The Wandering Jew" and "Leo the Great." I found myself lauging out loud in the middle of the Tamiment library at his words. It really was quite funny.
Within these love-able letters, Leo touches upon serious matters as well. He mentions that his friend Puny and he were "fast developing a criminal record" and were pink slipped for participating in labor strikes. At the end of this letter written on July 19, 1937, he writes "One of the kids from our section recently kicked the bucket in the Madrid offensive. And if that isn't a fitting end for this letter, I don't know what is." In this collection of Leo's letters from 1931 to 1937, I could trace his political development in the course of his experiences. The fact that he can laugh at his problems does not decrease the weight of his problems. He must wander across America from job to job to survive, all the while missing his family and suffering from poor living conditions. Therefore, it is clear that Leo became more aggressively and passionately Left through his struggles in the Great Depression.
Leo's own political beliefs and passions were most likely influenced by his aggressive brother Joe. I learned today that Joe was more the leader of the two brothers. He described being elected President of Cannery Workers Union and elected as an official delegate to the California State Convention of the American Federation of Labor. He writes to Gus telling him to get their friend Rose "into the party" as well. I got an even better sense of his aggressive personality from these letters, but I feel I have much more to read and to learn about this second brother Joe Gordon. I hope to better understand what happened to Joe after Leo is killed in battle and what he did after the war.

September 21, 2009

Today in the ALBA, I read the letters of Leo and Joseph Gordon, two American brothers who fought in the Abraham Lincoln Brigades in the Spanish Civil War. By reading their letters, I learned about their participation in the war and, more importantly, I learned about what that participation meant to them personally.

In fact, Leo Gordon confesses to his friend Gus in one letter: "I can't tell you anything about the war that you don't know. In fact, you are in a better position to get this information than I am." I feel as though Leo might as well have been speaking to me. In his letters, I learn, as his friend Gus learned, about his psychological and emotional responses to war, rather than simply the facts. In one letter Leo wrote to his cousin Gus, the soldier tells his friend to say hello to one of his comrades who recently returned home. Leo writes: “He might remember me- modest little me.” Statements like these remind me as I read the letter that the author bears the psychological burdens of war. He could die at any moment and naturally tries to appease his ego by seeking human love, respect, and recognition. He tells Gus that he has to walk miles to get water and asks his family on Staten Island to “appreciate the water a little more for [his] sake.”

Despite this occasional forlornness, Leo does not reveal any regret or contempt for his duty. On the contrary, he is extremely dedicated to and even inspired by the Republican cause. He passionately describes his experiences with the Spanish people and optimistically asserts that “before long, Spain may be the quietest spot on the globe.” This passionate dedication to the cause undoubtedly dominates over the hardships which Leo recounts to his cousin Gus of lice, malnutrition, and death. Leo Gordon seems to be one of the disciplined and dedicated soldiers described in Peter Carroll’s The Odyssey of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade.

Leo’s brother, Joe, seems to be even more politically driven than his brother. He was one of the soldiers in the first volunteer group that went to Spain and he was one of the wounded soldiers that returned to Spain after the Great Retreats to fight in the Ebro offensive. From his letters recounting political fights with the California State Federation of Labor, it is clear that Joe is a passionate Communist. In fact, he signs all of his letters “Comradely Yours.” Therefore, his story reflects the accounts in Carroll’s The Odyssey of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade that the Communists were predominant and crucial driving forces in the fight against fascism. Joe writes as passionately about the progress of the modern Spanish army as he does about labor law disputes in California.

I have more to read and to learn on these two soldiers. I look forward to getting to know all of them better through their personal thoughts and accounts. Through such intimate means, I hope I really begin to understand the human phenomenon called the Abraham Lincolns Brigade.